Opinion
Monday, May
3, 2004
Only UN Can Intervene in Kony War, Not EU
SIGURD ILLING, the European
Union Ambassador to Uganda, has lately publicly disagreed with the army
and the government over the war in the north. DAVID KAIZA spoke
to him about the current relationship between the EU and the region.
Do you find this a difficult
time to be EU representative to Uganda?
It is not particularly difficult.
In a situation where we have long-term relationships, there are always
ups and downs. When questions come up where opinions are different, then
a situation can arise where there are certain irritations. In such a case,
it is the task of both sides, and in particular myself to see how to overcome
the irritations to make sure that all we do and say is well understood.
It is not normal , surely,
for a diplomatic representative to find himself drawn into the internal
problems of a country?
As far as I am concerned,
we have a very clear basis for our role in a country like Uganda. That
has been defined in the Cotonou agreement, signed and ratified by Uganda.
It says very clearly that we have what we call a political dialogue. So
it is not only possible, but also absolutely necessary because this is
part of our agreement to be in a dialogue with the government on political
issues.
Uganda is one of the poorest
countries in the world. How is Uganda's fragility viewed in Brussels?
Uganda has gone through rather
far reaching process of stabilisation. One must not lose track of the past.
When you look back to the situation Uganda was in until the mid 1980s and
where Uganda is now, you can see that there has been a process that has
led to a considerable degree of stability.
Is violent conflict not
instability in itself?
It is instability in the
part of the country where the conflict takes place, but it is what has
a tendency to grow and intrude into other parts of the country and could
in the long run undermine stability in a much more general way.
There has been disappointment
among various groups negotiating the political transition. Is this not
a threat to one of the essential elements you've talked about?
The political system as such
it is not an essential element. We have not said that a country must have
a Westminster style of democracy. When we talk about democracy, we mean
the right of people to speak out and to play a role in the decision-making
process, that is, to make sure that their opinion is known and heard.
But to be effectively
acted upon and not just known and heard?
Of course, it would then
be up to those who represent the people to take up messages that come from
the population and to transform them into policy.
In Uganda now, you have a
situation where a process that started recently is ongoing, which would
include a change of the rules of the game. And knowing a little about the
world, I would say this is a rather difficult situation because that means
a number of people who have enjoyed the privileges of being in power will
have to accept that these privileges will be challenged, that there will
be alternatives.
The president has said
that it is the donor community that has stalled the war in the north because
it did not support increases to the defense budget.
That is a rather delicate
and complex discussion because there are very different arguments. But
what we have said and are saying is that we are supporting the defense
review. We know that the recommendations are there. But we have not been
briefed by the government on the details of the outcome of the defense
review. And in our discussions internally and bilaterally with the government,
we will continue referring to this review and it will not be possible to
take any decision as far as our funding is concerned without knowing the
details of this review on the one side and the intentions of the government
on the other.
The EU has been playing
a leading role in northern Uganda, which is a humanitarian disaster. Do
you see this conflict developing into another unforeseen conflict?
I wouldn't like to speculate
on other conflicts, but the ongoing conflict has a negative impact on the
overall performance of Uganda, economically and politically. So the sooner
this conflict can be brought to an end, the sooner the people who are living
in these impossible conditions can go back or resettle elsewhere. The longer
this lasts, the deeper these wounds are in the body politic.
First of all, you have direct
economic impact: the fact that the WFP has to spend lots of money to feed
people in a region that is fertile.
The message from the government
and the EU about how to end the conflict has been ambiguous. What is your
comment?
You cannot under any circumstance
say that a government would allow rebels to act in the atrocious way they
are acting – killing people, maiming them, abducting children – without
reacting by force. The government tells us there is a two-pronged approach.
We are saying that please make it clearer and take more on the question
of dialogue, without being sure that this is going to work. We have no
indication that there is real readiness by the LRA and its leader for dialogue.
Religious leaders warn
of an impending genocide in northern Uganda. Do you feel this is appropriate?
I would be extremely carefully
over terminology. Talking about genocide in Uganda does not seem to be
a fitting description. Genocide is what happened in Rwanda. We have had
other cases in the Balkans where people were systematically persecuted
because they belonged to a certain ethnic group.
That is not what is going
on in Uganda. I don't see it coming. However, we have no right to just
intervene. The only body that has the right to intervene is the UN, not
the EU.
But would you back military
intervention, for instance?
This must be very clear.
It is not the EU that would be the institution you would bring into a country.
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