Monday,
June 10, 2002
Tour of the Poor
Starring Bono and O'Neill
Irish rock star Paul Hewson, better known
as Bono, took US Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill on a trip around Ghana,
South Africa, Uganda and Ethiopia from May 20-30 – to prove to the sceptical
American mandarin that aid can help Africa. DECLAN WALSH, who joined the
roadshow for the second leg, attempts to answer the question: did it make
any difference?
Africa’s unlikeliest saviours
sank into their chairs at the poolside bar in Addis Ababa and finally caught
a breath. Paul O’Neill, the silver-haired US Treasury Secretary, whipped
off his tie and sipped at a glass of red wine. Bono, his scruffy Irish
rock star companion, cradled a cool beer. Eleven hectic days on tour in
Africa had left them exhausted.
The duo – unofficially billed
"The Odd Couple," after the popular 1970s television series – had traipsed
around slums together and shaken hands with presidents. They had peered
down wells and roamed around coffee factories. They had dressed up in strange
costumes, argued and agreed – all in front of news outlets as diverse as
The Financial Times, the Ethiopian Herald and the music magazine
Rolling Stone.
In fact, O’Neill had just
come from an interview with the teenage channel MTV – not his regular audience,
he readily admitted. "Tell me this," he asked earnestly, leaning his chin
on both hands. "How do we explain this stuff to a 12- or 14-year-old? How
do we get them interested?"
Bono had plenty of ideas
about how Americans should engage with Africa, not all of them shared by
O’Neill, as had been clear from some sharp exchanges in the preceding days.
Outside a school in Uganda, O’Neill suggested that "cosmic" amounts of
money were not necessary to solve some basic problems. A visibly fuming
Bono flatly told reporters that the Treasury Secretary was wrong, and if
he couldn’t see that, "I’m going to get him a new pair of glasses and some
new ears."
But equally, a friendly rapport
had developed between the man who controls America’s wallet and the rock
star who wants to open it. And on this warm, easy evening, hours before
leaving for home, they were keen to stress unity, not difference. Instead,
there was humour.
When Bono mistakenly described
O’Neill’s former business as steel – it was aluminium – Mrs O’Neill yelled
up from the back seats "You’re dead meat now!" Bono, a man more used to
the company of fawning groupies than Republican spouses, grinned from behind
his trademark wraparound shades.
Their "tour of the poor"
undoubtedly made a bang: never before has a Treasury Secretary’s visit
to Africa enjoyed such attention. But has it made a difference?
The hullabaloo went largely
unnoticed in the countries they visited – Ghana, South Africa, Uganda and
Ethiopia. All most people saw was their screaming motorcade whipping up
a cloud of dust as it sped down the streets. Perhaps they saw it as just
another politician bringing empty platitudes and some singer whose songs
they didn’t know. Or more likely they didn’t think anything at all, writing
it off as another high-profile, low-relevance VIP visit.
If anything, the elements
seemed to tell them to slow down: in Ghana, a furious storm stranded their
plane for six hours while in Addis Ababa, errant herds of goats and donkeys
brought the speeding convoy to a halt.
But the unprecedented tour
was focused on Western, not African, attention. Although the US recently
announced it would increase its foreign aid by $10 billion over two years,
it remains one of the stingiest donors in the rich world. When Bono pleaded
to O’Neill in his Washington office last year that aid was necessary and
effective, the Treasury Secretary challenged him to show how. The idea
of a joint trip was born.
Bono’s job was to soften
O’Neill’s famously sceptical views on foreign aid. It seems to have worked,
at least to some degree. The straight-talking Republican was visibly touched
by the hardship and squalor endured by ordinary people he met several times.
"If you really want to change
my mind about anything, just give me a baby and talk to me," he said on
the final evening only half-jokingly, before indulging in a misty-eyed
description of how a little orphan wrapped her arms around him that morning.
"I felt she adopted me," he said.
By the time he was stepping
onto his chartered Boeing back to Washington, O’Neill was rabbiting on
about clean water for Africa in terms as if it were a personal crusade.
He promised to reflect carefully on how to communicate to President Bush
the "facts and the emotions" of what he had seen. And, given some of his
strong comments about the workings of the World Bank – of which he is the
most powerful board member – some changes at the controversial international
development body also look possible.
With their obvious political
– and sartorial – differences, the two played the "odd couple" angle for
all it was worth over the trip. Bono might jibe at the US secretary’s silk
ties; the American might make a quip about Bono’s Dublin accent. Nevertheless,
the trip highlighted significant differences between the singer and the
multimillionaire Republican who demands "results, results, results." And
it exposed hypocrisies in Western policy to Africa.
Both men agree on the problems;
their differences are in the solution. O’Neill is a passionate believer
in the magic of the free market and its ability to help African countries
trade their way out of trouble. Bono agrees, in part, but says the West
must first invest billions on "social capital": creating a healthy, educated
workforce to man the self-sustaining economies O’Neill wants to build.
But it was clear the US has
difficulty practising what it preaches. In a conversation with South African
President Thabo Mbeki, Bono impolitely brought up the Farm Bill, a new
piece of legislation that boosts subsidies to American farmers by $35 billion.
It has enraged African leaders because the World Bank and IMF insist they
drop their own subsidies in the name of liberalisation. Later on the trip,
Ethiopian President Meles Zenawi offered his own stinging criticism.
According to British aid
agency Oxfam, such trade barriers cost developing countries $100 billion
a year – twice as much as they receive in aid. The European Union is the
worst offender, followed closely by the US and Japan, it says in a recent
report.
Bono’s attitude to his travelling
partner was expressed in a typically barbed but humour-coated compliment
that he delivered in an address to the African Development Bank in Addis
Ababa. The Treasury Secretary was "a man who would ask God for measurable
results," he said, but had "a heart and a head for these problems. In my
opinion he is the right man for the job. He is God’s messenger."
The trip marked another peak
on the remarkable trajectory of Bono – once a plain old rock star and now
referred to, only half-mockingly, as The Man Who Wants to Save the World.
He has pulled off the remarkable coup of winning the confidence of the
Bush White House, carving out a position of unique influence that earned
him the cover of Time magazine of March 4. The following month,
when President Bush announced the extra $5 billion in aid, there was Bono
strolling beside him, flashing a V-sign for the cameras.
It’s easy to forget that
not so long ago, Bono was making two-fingered signs in the direction of
the establishment, not from within it. During the last Bush presidency
– George Bush Snr – the singer used to call the White House switchboard
as part of the act during the Zoo TV tour. Thousands of concertgoers would
laugh as he made fun of the attendant and, indirectly, President Bush.
In recent months, that detail has been quietly forgotten.
But the transformation from
stone-thrower to negotiator is no accident. A committed Christian, Bono
has an established pedigree as a campaigner. Whereas some stars pick up
and discard fashionable causes like new Gucci leatherwear, Bono is a long-time
supporter of Amnesty International and Greenpeace. In early 1986, he and
his wife Ali spent weeks in an Ethiopian camp in order to better understand
the cause they helped fund through the Live Aid concerts.
Then, three years ago, he
joined Drop the Debt campaign and adopted a new approach – that it was
celebrity, not music, that can change the world.
Bono has used his fame to
open doors – politicians like to collect his autograph for their sons and
daughters – then once inside, has dazzled sceptical policymakers with his
nimble grasp of the facts. O’Neill admits that he tried to avoid their
first meeting, thinking it just a publicity stunt, then extended it from
30 minutes to an hour and a half.
Bono has famously converted
some crusty old conservatives to his cause, people who are despised by
most liberals as untouchables. The most famous case was the powerful Republican
Jesse Helms, a bitter critic of foreign aid, the United Nations and homosexuals.
By appealing to their common Christianity, Bono reduced the 80-year-old
senator to tears and brought him on board.
The fusion of celebrity and
knowledge may be the new frontier of Third World campaigning. It has brought
much-needed glamour to an area once dominated by people "who want to wear
a hair shirt, don’t know how to have fun and aren’t ambitious," according
to his adviser Jamie Drummond. But Bono admits that his embracing of the
conservatives embarrasses his fellow U2 members. And the tactic has forced
him to neuter his own opinions. "I’ve had to become apolitical to further
the cause," he said, "and sometimes I wince."
Then again, he points out,
the lines between left and right are more blurred than ever before. For
example, the Farm Bill was forwarded by Tom Daschle, a senior Democrat
and a prominent supporter of the debt and HIV/Aids campaigns. "Now I don’t
want to take a position, because they are all loaded," he said.
Of course, if they chose
to, both Bono and O’Neill could make a dent in African poverty by deploying
their personal fortunes. Their combined wealth is conservatively estimated
at over $400 million, more than Ethiopia’s entire health budget for its
60 million people. But Bono doesn’t see it like that. "Bill Gates has the
deepest pockets of anyone and he doesn’t have enough money to fix the problems.
There’s a certain type of poverty that’s structural, and we need governments
to get themselves organised," he said. "What we do with our personal wealth
is our own business. We have to face ourselves, and I will too."
Instead, his tireless campaigning
energy is his gift to the poor. To that end, he and fellow scruffy Dubliner
Bob Geldof recently set up the DATA Foundation, a high-octane lobbying
vehicle that stands for Debt, Aid and Trade for Africa. But some fellow
campaigners fear Bono’s new tactics give credibility to racist conservatives
like Jessie Helms and erode his own legitimacy.
"The closer he gets to politicians,
the closer he’s getting to that grey world of compromise. His strength
is being on the outside, a campaigner," said Salih Booker of the Washington
think-tank, Africa Action. And while his message encourages African leaders
towards democracy, it often ignores the complex interplay between aid and
politics. During some of the largest emergencies of recent decades – from
Biafra in the 1960s to Rwanda in the 1990s – ruthless local forces have
exploited aid as a tool of war. Bono’s focus on funding – or O’Neill’s
obsession with results – side-step the debate on whether aid can harm as
well as help.
At the end of the trip, O’Neill
refused to acknowledge that US strategic aid for Mobutu Sese Seko contributed
to the degeneration of the Congo and the current humanitarian disaster.
Nevertheless, the singer can be proud of having opened the eyes of the
"can-do" O'Neill. Whether that translates into a policy sea change in the
US – or the powerful World Bank – remains to be seen.
The first test comes later
this month, with the meeting of the G8, the world’s most powerful nations,
in Canada, where British Prime Minister Tony Blair will be pushing the
Nepad initiative. Paul O’Neill will be a powerful player in any negotiations.
Bono says he will be there too.
Declan Walsh
is a Nairobi-based correspondent for The
Irish Times